IF YOU CAN’T BEAT THEM, JOIN THEM: THE RISE OF MAGHREBI ARABIC IN FRANCE

by Emily Swisher 

Emily Swisher is a third-year doctoral student in French Studies at the University of Illinois. Emily hopes to become a professor of French and incorporate research from her subfields of Translation/Interpretation and European Union Studies into her professional work. She wrote this blog post in 418 'Language and Minorities in Europe' in Fall 2021.

The Arabic language has an undeniably strong hold in France. It is currently the second-most spoken language in the country with approximately four million locutors, far surpassing the combined number of speakers of France’s 25+ regional languages. Historically opposed to education initiatives in any language aside from the recognized national standard, France is now starting to reevaluate its policies toward the instruction of minority languages, and Arabic in particular. With a growing population of Arabic speakers on the mainland, the impetus for change seems to follow the adage, if you can’t beat them, join them. For France, talk of Arabic instruction increasingly favors introduction of the language into schools from an early age, in order to make sure that its dissemination follows the Ministry of Education’s strict teaching guidelines.

In order to understand the importance of Arabic in France, it is necessary to take a brief dive into France’s colonial past. Without mentioning all of its territorial holdings, France claimed important colonial outposts in much of Northern Africa until the latter half of the 20th century, including Algeria, Mauritania, Morocco and Tunisia. Upon independence, many of the inhabitants of these former colonies resettled in France, effectively creating a surge in the number of Arabic speakers there (See Image 1 for a color-coded map of the different varieties of Arabic spoken in North Africa and the Middle East). Indeed, the influence of Arabic in France is such that, while not a regional language, Maghrebi Arabic (the version of the language spoken in the aforementioned countries of Northern Africa)[1] has been recognized as a langue de la France since 1999 (Cerquiglini) [2]. However, despite its status as the second-most spoken language in France, Maghrebi Arabic is decidedly unpopular as a school subject for new language learners. The Economist notes that, “An estimated five million French citizens have family roots in the Arab world, mainly in Algeria, Morocco and Tunisia. Yet the teaching of the language in schools is regarded in many quarters as suspect, if not dangerous. A mere 13,000 French pupils study Arabic – just 0.2% of all secondary-school students who take a second language” (https://www.economist.com/europe/2018/09/20/teaching-arabic-in-france). According to many reports, it is now in the best interest of the country to change that.

Image 1: Arabic Dialects (source : https://en-academic.com/pictures/enwiki/65/Arab_World-Large.PNG)  

The areas designated by shades of blue are considered the Maghrebi dialects.

Recently, there has been an uptick in support for foreign language education initiatives concerning both France’s regional and other minority languages. Regarding Arabic, French President Emmanuel Macron stated in 2020 that young language learners need to have the opportunity to study Arabic as part of a “policy of recognition” (cited in SEE News, https://see.news/teaching-arabic-in-french-schools-raises-controversy/). Recognition is certainly the first step in creating a more far-reaching language policy, and in the case of Arabic, this means an overhaul of how the language is taught within France. As former education and culture minister Jack Lang puts it, Arabic suffers from an “image problem” because it is “afflicted by a lack of public awareness of its place in national and international history” (The National News, https://www.thenationalnews.com/world/europe/ex-minister-on-a-mission-to-put-arabic-into-french-schools-and-hearts-1.987811).

So, how can all of this change? To begin with, it might be time for France to rethink its traditional censure of all “other” – i.e. non-French – languages in the classroom. This notion has been at the center of a very heated debate for the past several years, with opponents from either side of the political spectrum having very strong opinions on the subject. For those that favor the introduction of Arabic classes into the French educational system, the goal would be to offer quality language courses by qualified instructors in an environment governed by the Ministry of Education. This would not only ensure excellence of instruction but would also serve to moderate content according to the Ministry’s standards. For many, Arabic and religious extremism are conflated, and so implementing a state-monitored, secular language program presents itself as an appealing solution to instruction of the language. Interestingly, the addition of these classes is sought especially at the primary and secondary levels since teaching of Arabic at the university level is thought to be unproblematic and uncontroversial – indeed, at Sciences Po (an internationally renowned university in Paris) there are 37 Arabic instructors as compared with 180 Arabic teachers across all of France’s public schools combined (New York Times, https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/05/world/europe/france-arabic-public-schools-mosques.html). 

Image 2: Coexist rally in Rennes, France 

(source: https://www.dw.com/en/emmanuel-macrons-plans-to-protect-french-values-alienate-muslims/a-55090098)

On the other side of the debate regarding Arabic education, there are those that feel that including the language in primary and secondary school curricula is tantamount to Islamizing French youth, who should, according to these opponents, be indoctrinated with French (only) ideas of identity and linguistic belonging. According to Robert Ménard, the far-right mayor of Béziers, inclusion of Arabic in the classroom would announce “the birth of another nation right in the heart of France” (Economist, https://www.economist.com/europe/2018/09/20/teaching-arabic-in-france).

Image 3: March against Islamophobia in Paris, France 

(source: https://www.dw.com/en/france-thousands-demonstrate-against-islamophobia/a-51194917)

In spite of fears that Arabic education might somehow radicalize younger generations and alter something fundamental about French identity, there is nonetheless a slow march toward change. Arabic is an undeniable part of French society, and its instruction is moving more and more into the secular realm in state-sanctioned educational networks. Though not a historically recognized language of France, Arabic is nonetheless integrally tied to France’s past, present, and future. In the words of Jack Lang, “what better way to transmit elements of culture than through learning the language” (cited in SEE News, https://see.news/teaching-arabic-in-french-schools-raises-controversy/)? Indeed, in the spirit of reconciliation and in recognition of the interwoven cultural network between France and the Maghreb, the most logical path forward would be through a joining of forces and a celebration of the possibilities of a growing multilingual French/Arabic population. 

[1] For more information on the Maghrebi dialect of Arabic, see here: https://pangeanic.hk/knowledge_centre/arabic-dialects-a-close-look-at-north-african-arabic/#.

[2] Cerquiglini Bernard : (1999) Les Langues de la France, Rapport aux ministres de l’Education nationale et de la Culture, www.dglf.culture.gouv.fr.

IF YOU CAN’T BEAT THEM, JOIN THEM: THE RISE OF MAGHREBI ARABIC IN FRANCE

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PYLA: THE FUTURE OF CYPRUS

by Lucas Haney

Lucas Haney is a senior in Spanish and Italian studies at the University of Illinois. Lucas’ future plans include pursuing an MA in Translation and Interpretation in order to help facilitate communication between groups with linguistic barriers, like in the medical field and/or the border between the US and Mexico. He wrote this blog post in 418 ‘Language and Minorities in Europe’ in Fall 2021.

Cyprus has had an interesting development as a country for a little over a century due to an ongoing dispute within the country that heavily affects Turkey as well. The beginning of the 1960s started off swimmingly with Cyprus officially declaring itself independent in August 1960 from the rule of the British. With this independence there was an agreement between the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots for a partnership with a constitution that would help to govern the country (THO). At this point the use of Turkish, or more specifically Cypriot Turkish in some cases, was spread throughout the country since there was no fighting between the two ethnicities and their languages. However, due to the events of 1963 with communal violence breaking out between the two groups and an attempted coup d’état with Greek assistance in 1974 (THO). Turkey sent troops to the island and soon occupied the northern part of Cyprus that came to be known today as the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus, or TRCN for short, and is not recognized by any country around the world except for Turkey, the state’s main distributor of economic support, military accommodations, and political support (THO). At the time of writing this blog, the two separated states have chosen their own specific languages to teach, write, conduct governmental duties in, and perform everyday tasks without too much intermingling of the languages.

AFP. Dawn, 17 Jan. 2017, https://www.dawn.com/news/1308139. Accessed 10 Nov. 2021. 

However, a question lingers in the air that needs to be answered; is there any linguistic mingling between Greek and Turkish Cypriots in this day and age? The answer is yes, but it is unfortunately very little due to the ongoing negotiations. The villages of Pyla, Deneia, Athienou, and Troulloi are the only villages in the UN buffer zone, an area that was established by the UN itself in 1974 in order to prevent any possible invasions by the Turkish military force that still occupies Northern Cyprus (Juriste). These villages are proof that the country can return to how it used to be in the past before the dispute since they are really close to the divide of the country. However, the main focus for this is going to be Pyla since this is the only village in the entire country of Cyprus that has Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriots living together well enough that the village can stay standing as a symbol for the possible future of Cyprus.

Pyla is a small village of about 2,000 people of mixed ethnic roots (Panayides). Greek and Turkish Cypriots live together in Pyla in relative harmony, although the political pressure of the negotiations between the TRNC and Cyprus occasionally increases and decreases with time. The village is a tourist attraction, given the mixed cultures, languages, and the beauty of its landscape. Everyday life is conducted with tranquility, though there is a specific, but metaphorical divide between the mixed population that can be signified by the signs that are put up around the village; one can see which part of the village there are in just by viewing the language of the signs. The buildings, specifically residential buildings, on each side of the village are also very distinctive in terms of design. The Greek Cypriot side of the village has buildings with very large terraces and many archways throughout the area (Theodorou). However, the Turkish Cypriot side has buildings that are described to be more closed off to the eyes of people in general in order to retain more privacy and attract less attention overall (Theodorou).

Christou, Jean. Cyprus Mail, 29 June 2016, https://cyprus-mail.com/2016/06/29/akel-leader-focuses-pyla-model-community/. Accessed 10 Nov. 2021. 

The education system of the two languages coexisting together is also separated by the ethnicity of the children in order to facilitate language development for each respective group. The possibility of interlingual mingling is quite high, even though the research does not specify anything of the sort when it comes to local affairs. Relating to local affairs, public disputes and crimes are handled in a unique way in Pyla due to the location of the village itself in the buffer zone that the UN established. The Turkish police and the Greek police are gathered along with the UN officials that are in charge of keeping the peace in the village and the other villages mentioned in the buffer zone (Theodorou). The UN officials have the final say in the dispute that is being discussed in those proceedings, but the police of both sides of the village collaborate with the UN peacekeepers in order to make sure that there is not any bias when it comes to the final verdict of the crime committed (Theodorou). Also within the town are various churches for those who follow the Greek Orthodox faith and a beautifully decorated mosque that is made for those of the Islam faith, specifically those who identify themselves as Sunni Muslims. These sacred places that house those of each respective faith are located more in the areas where the religion is generally more prevalent, i.e. the churches in the Greek Cypriot side of the town and the mosque in the Turkish Cypriot side (DW). That does not mean, however, that none from the Turkish side of the village do not go to one of the Greek Orthodox churches and vice versa, it is just quite more common in Pyla to see each side go to their respective places of worship in their areas.

Oswald, Alexis. International Storytelling, 2016, https://internationalstorytelling.org/cyprus/singing-for-peace/. Accessed 10 Nov. 2021. 

Diverting away from the separating nature of the people within the united village, there is a multilinguistic choir there that carries the message of unification of the country within all of their songs. This choir accepts anybody from the village, advocates for the goal of unifying the country, and the destigmatizing of the hostility that has been present between the two ethnic groups since the day of the Greek-supported coup d’état (DW). The songs that are sung by the inclusive music group revolves around tolerance for the ethnic differences of the two groups all around the country, acceptance, and love towards each other in order to end the Cyprus Dispute. The people who are a part of the choir are those who promote a jovial atmosphere and constantly strive for the goals that they sing about profusely. In addition, they even do language lessons for each language so that the equality of the choir is maintained, and mutual understanding is promoted in order to break language barriers (DW). The choir is a group in Pyla that is supported by the UN due to the fact that it is one of the very rare instances at the time of writing this where the two fighting groups are coexisting in harmony (DW). It is essentially a cross-culture project that is living proof that the two sides can put their differences aside and come to an agreement regarding territorial disputes and hostilities that range over many decades. In essence, it is the symbol of what is to be desired for the future of the country.

Overall the situation in Pyla is quite stable and is harmonious enough to allow tourists to visit and experience the unique occurrence of two distinct cultures living side by side amidst the ongoing political war between the two governments. There is a certain amount of separation within the village itself that specifies the sides where the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots reside generally, the education system of each side, the places of worship, and the attractions that each side provides for tourists, but it does not signify the shattering of unity that the village encompasses. This unity is the soul of the choir that fights daily for the end of the dispute that has been going on for centuries. It must be clarified that the separation of these ethnic groups is not means for claiming that segregation is at work and unity is a falsehood in this circumstance. Mutual cultural understanding is the name of the game here and Pyla continues to pioneer for the unity that was had almost a century ago. Pyla is the start of a new future for the country of Cyprus, a future of Cypriot harmony.

References

(www.dw.com), Deutsche Welle. “Pyla, Cyprus: Life in a Divided Village: DW: 09.11.2003.” DW.COM, 11 Sept. 2003, https://www.dw.com/en/pyla-cyprus-life-in-a-divided-village/a-1025809.

Kondakova-Theodorou, Evgeniya. “Pyla: Where Cultures Meet: Cyprus for Travellers.” Pyla: Where Cultures Meet | Cyprus For Travellers, 8 Sept. 2018, http://cyprusfortravellers.net/en/review/pyla-where-cultures-meet.

Panayides, Theo. “Pyla Community Leader on His Unusual Village.” Cyprus Mail, Cyprus Mail, 10 Mar. 2021, https://cyprus-mail.com/2021/03/10/cyprus-in-microcosm/.

Organization, Turkish Heritage (THO). “The Cyprus Dispute at a Glance.” The Cyprus Dispute at a Glance, 22 May 2017, https://www.turkheritage.org/en/publications/factsheets/issue-briefs/the-cyprus-dispute-at-a-glance-3300.

Canno. “The Unresolved Cyprus Problem.” Le Petit Juriste, 28 Apr. 2016, https://www.lepetitjuriste.fr/the-unresolved-cyprus-problem/.

PYLA: THE FUTURE OF CYPRUS

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THE SLOVAK STATE LANGUAGE LAW: NATIONAL UNITY OR DISCRIMINATION?

by Riley Masterson

Riley Masterson is a senior in Global Studies and French at the University of Illinois. Riley's future plans include attending law school and working in the legal field. She wrote this blog post in 418 'Language and Minorities in Europe' in Fall 2021.

"Bratislava Castle from across Danube River."
Author: Hans Permana
Source: Flickr
License: CC BY-NC 2.0

The image above shows Bratislava Castle on the banks of the Danube River in Slovakia. Not far downstream, the Danube forms the natural border between Slovakia and Hungary. Despite their proximity, Slovakia and Hungary have significant cultural and linguistic differences. These differences became a point of contention in 2009, when Slovakia amended its State Language Law (SLL) (NBC News, 2009). Slovak is cited as the “state language” of the Republic of Slovakia in Article 6 of the Constitution (Fiala and Wardyn, 2009). While Slovak may be far from a global lingua franca, or even a working language within the EU, it does enjoy dominance within the borders of Slovakia. However, like every country, Slovakia is home to minority languages. The most notable minority language is Hungarian, with estimates finding that about 10% of Slovakia’s population speaks Hungarian. Speakers are concentrated along the southern border of Slovakia, as shown in the map below. Yet 2009’s SLL created a limit on the legal use of minority languages like Hungarian within Slovakia (Schöpflin 2009).

“Distribution of Hungarian Language in Europe.”

Author: Mutichou

Source: Wikimedia Commons

License: GNU Free Documentation License

The SLL applied to the Slovak government and its employees, upholding a rule in which the government must use Slovak in official communications. The Law went a step further, requiring employees including firemen, policemen, mailmen, and transportation employees, as well as the people they interact with, to use Slovak. There was an exception if the communication took place in an area with minority language-speakers making up over 20% of that area’s population. Another exception was if the person interacting with a public servant did not speak Slovak. Similarly, a court interpreter could be used if the person involved did not understand Slovak (Fiala and Wardyn, 2009).

The requirement for many other mediums of communication was that if a minority language is used, Slovak must be used as well. Official paperwork often had to be kept in both the original language and Slovak. All foreign television and radio programs had to be dubbed into Slovak or include subtitles. Unless a patient did not understand Slovak, or the hospital was in a minority area, healthcare must be provided in Slovak. Another strange manifestation of the law is the requirement that inscriptions on symbolic displays, such as monuments, be in Slovak. If they were in a minority language, the inscriptions must be the same size or smaller than the writing in Slovak. The government allowed one year to change the inscriptions. (Fiala and Wardyn, 2009).

In addition to laws that are difficult to navigate, the SLL included fines for violators. The details of the fines were not specified in the text of the law, meaning people may not have known the risks if they spoke a minority language (Fiala and Wardyn, 2009).

The SLL was met with vehement opposition by the Hungarian population within Slovakia, but also by Hungarians across the Danube. Hungarians became advocates for the minority Hungarian population within Slovakia. The Slovak Most-Híd party, which mainly draws support from Hungarians within Slovakia, advocated strongly against the law as a limit on the rights of minorities. The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE) became embroiled in the conflict, with the High Commissioner on National Minorities, Knut Vollebæk, travelling to Slovakia and attempting to reform the law (The OSCE, 2010).

Another key player was the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML). Hungarians within Slovakia are protected by the ECRML, which came into force in Slovakia in 2002. The Committee of Experts, which works on behalf of the ECRML, spoke out against the 20% rule of the SLL, citing the ECRML and the fact that major minority populations within Slovakia are not protected, but endangered, by the law. Specifically, the Committee believed the 20% cutoff was arbitrary and ineffective at protecting the rights of minorities, including not just Hungarians but also Croats and Germans. The Committee criticized the law in its reports, urging Slovak authorities to make significant changes. In direct opposition to the findings of the Committee, Slovakia responded that the 20% rule was “adequate” and did not violate any rights (Fiala and Wardyn, 2009).

The SLL was ultimately heavily amended in 2010 under a new government. The law became much more palatable for Hungarians and other minorities in Slovakia, with interference in the “private sphere” being greatly reduced. Many workers, such as transportation employees and mailmen, no longer need to use Slovak. Some requirements for paperwork being kept in both a minority language and Slovak were also eliminated. To the dismay of Hungarian lawmakers and regular Hungarians in Slovakia, fines are still possible for breaking the law, but in much fewer circumstances and with more defined amounts (Terenzani, 2010).

Despite the law remaining in place, the SLL lost its bite. This law was clearly a barrier to the maintenance of minority languages within Slovakia’s borders. Under the guise of national unity and preservation of the Slovak language, Slovak lawmakers created an oppressive environment in which people weren’t free to speak their native language. Although within Hungary, Croatia, and Germany, there are plenty of speakers of each respective language, Slovakia still has a duty under the ECRML and EU law to preserve, not endanger, minority languages within its borders.

References

NBC News. “New language law in Slovakia sparks tensions.” (September 16, 2009). https://www.nbcnews.com/id/wbna32881272

The Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe. “OSCE High Commissioner on National Minorities issues statement on Slovakia’s language law.” (January 4, 2010). https://www.osce.org/hcnm/51811

Schöplfin, György. “The Slovak language law is discriminatory and restrictive.” (July 10, 2009). EU Observer. https://euobserver.com/opinion/28440

Terenzani, Michaela. “Language Act takes a ‘less bad’ form.” (December 20, 2010). The Slovak Spectator. https://spectator.sme.sk/c/20038422/language-act-takes-a-less-bad-form.html

Wardyn, Lukasz and Fiala, Jan, “The 2009 Amendment of the Slovakian State Language Law and Its Impact on Minority Rights” (June 1, 2010). Polish Yearbook of International Law, Vol. 29 (2009), pp. 153-173, https://ssrn.com/abstract=2173982

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